How do egyptian men treat women

On occasion, the son will stay with his parents to fulfil his obligation to care for his parents as they age. Household Structure and Women. Authority tends to lie with the eldest in the household, irrespective of gender.

However, the typical household structure is patriarchal , with authority tending to come from the most senior male. Moreover, men tend to have more influence than women in terms of decision-making. The majority of Egyptian society is conservative, and there is a general expectation for women to fulfil traditional roles such as child rearing and household labour, with these responsibilities perceived to be exclusively for women.

It is relatively uncommon for women to approach and engage in conversation with men who are not a part of the family unless it is a boss, colleague or sales clerk. Middle to upper class women living in the larger cities often live a more liberal lifestyle than that of their rural counterparts. Although more prominent in major cities, generally it is the case that both housewives and working women are accepted and respected in Egyptian society. Traditionally, women carry greater expectations of social compliance and are sometimes seen as particularly vulnerable targets that need to be protected.

A mistake or an instance of loss of control by a woman is still sometimes interpreted as a failure of the patriarch of the family to protect her from doing so. Dating is not a widespread practice, although the attitudes among some Egyptians, particularly in urban areas, are becoming more Westernised. Traditionally, arranged marriages between the heads of families were common, often with little input from the couple involved.

In contemporary Egyptian society, individuals have more decision-making power over whom they marry. However, marriage still entails negotiation among family members and may include the use of a matchmaker. He did not have the reputation that, in his own neighborhood, would have ensured the protection of his property.

None of these neighbors knew him or would intervene to prevent the theft of his vehicle. The brother-in-law was instructed to go to a certain place and drop off the 5, pounds in a designated spot, and to then find the minivan parked at a nearby gas station. He left the money as ordered, but then spent hours searching unsuccessfully for the minivan. When he arrived back home, Samer knew even before the man spoke that they had been deceived. The loss was financially crippling. Plus they had the additional expense of caring for a new baby.

They offered material and emotional support whenever possible. But it was Karima who shouldered most of the burden. In addition to caring for their baby and home, she was now forced to resume fulltime work just a few weeks after giving birth. She considered herself lucky because the hospital where she worked had a daycare center, so she could take the infant with her and take breaks to nurse during the day.

Despite the long hours it took her to get to and from work and the many hours she had to work, Karima was thrilled to be a mother and wanted her husband to fully enjoy the experience of being a father. The carjacking was materially and morally devastating, and deeply wounded his pride and dignity. He could not shake his anger, and spent many days checking with various police stations hoping to learn any positive news about the minivan.

He was left with little that could help him be the type of father he had hoped to be. He sunk into a state of mourning and could not shake the terrible sense of loss he felt. Day after day he sat at home chain-smoking, lacking energy or motivation to work. He found work in an auto body shop located just across the street from his apartment.

Initially, he was content; he was working on his own and did not have anyone to report to. Yet, shortly afterwards his employer let him go because of the downturn in the Egyptian economy. He found another job, but at a distant location demanding several modes of transportation and more than an hour of commuting time each way.

He also had to accept the fact that, in this new job, younger men exercised authority over him. This signaled a sort of demotion for a man of his age who should be managing his own workshop, supervising several younger men and boys who are working for him and training to become ustas , masters of the profession.

Samer had indeed tried to establish his own workshop a few years before he met Karima, but the project failed. The more time he spent on a car to ensure the high quality he believed in, the less money he earned for himself and for the workshop. After several months of not being able to earn enough to pay the bills, he had to close that workshop and go back to working for a daily wage.

Dreams and Struggles When I visited him in , Samer seemed on the way to being a broken man who, at the age of 45, was feeling old and worn out. The glory of his youth, focused largely on his strength, bravery, and generosity, which were key to his standing as a man, became a distant memory that was not enough to offer him and others the type of validation that would make him a respected man. As a husband and father, it was his ability not only to protect and aid but to also provide and show care that became central to his standing as a man.

In fact, Samer himself broke a previous engagement because he did not want his future wife to work and often stated that he did not want a working wife. So, for Samer to be unemployed or underemployed and sometimes needing pocket money from his wife changed the gender dynamics that define the relationship between men and women, and husbands and wives.

His lack of financial resources have also undermined his relationship with his family in general, and his sisters and mother in particular. He is not able, even when one of them is sick, to offer the expected material support. Thus, he has resorted to distancing himself from his family and rarely visits them.

Such shifts are particularly problematic in a neoliberal Cairo, where men are responsible for securing good education for their children, providing adequate housing, paying for health services, and supplying daily foods and expenses.

These social expectations and the ability to meet them are central to the standing of men and the recognition they garner from others. Men like Samer are often held responsible for what in reality are the failings of the state and the forces of the market.

Samer clearly wanted to continue to materialize the social norms that expect him to be a good provider; the broader political and economic conditions as well as his aging body and deteriorating health limited this possibility.

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